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"Issues of justice, freedom and equality have preoccupied humanity since the emergence of the earliest social communities.
The paths and steps towards achieving these general goals have been as varied as the places, people and organisations involved. Put simply, there is no single blueprint for social progress.
Movements in Europe resulting in improved social conditions have arisen from a multitude of factors and trends. Humanism, the Enlightenment, workers', women's and civil rights movements, the international peace movement and countless small- and large-scale currents and initiatives have contributed to social progress and emancipation in European countries. The pathways may have differed, but the goals have been the same.
Featuring examples from 13 nations across Europe, this publication aims to give readers a better understanding of how the situation has developed in these countries, to foster mutual learning and to encourage further engagement with the specific histories of social progress in Europe. This is a desire shared by all those who participated in this project. After all, recognising and accepting similarities and differences is one of the key prerequisites for developing viable ideas and programmes for a social, just and peaceful Europe."

"The number of short-time workers from January to April 2020 is used to now- and forecast quarterly GDP growth. We purge the monthly log level series from the systematic component to extract unexpected changes or shocks to log short-time workers. These monthly shocks are included in a univariate model for quarterly GDP growth to capture timely, current-quarter unexpected changes in growth dynamics. Included shocks additionally explain 24% in GDP growth variation. The model is able to forecast quite precisely the decrease in GDP during the financial crisis. It predicts a mean decline in GDP of 5.7% over the next two quarters. Without additional growth stimulus, the GDP level forecast remains persistently 4% lower in the long run. The uncertainty is large, as the 95% highest forecast density interval includes a decrease in GDP as large as 9%. A recovery to pre-crisis GDP level in 2021 lies only in the upper tail of the 95% highest forecast density interval."

"This report provides new projections, to 2026, of remote work rates and the accompanying macroeconomic implications for the EU27, Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Republic of North Macedonia, Turkey and the UK.
Remote work covers a range of practices but few are straightforward to quantify consistently. The definition of remote work used in this report is working from home (WFH), matching the Eurostat Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) definition. The EU-LFS is the principal data source for this exercise. The literature review identified a range of drivers (e.g. sectoral composition of the economy) and potential outcomes (e.g. changes in expenditures on information and communications technologies (ICT)). Using a conceptual framework developed from the literature review, we modelled a baseline projection and three alternative scenarios: one that projected lower rates of WFH by 2026 compared to the baseline (Unwinding of WFH); and two that projected higher rates of WFH
(Acceleration of WFH and Acceleration of WFH with contract changes).By 2026, the baseline projects that 18% of workers in the EU27, and 19.6% of workers in all 33 study countries, will be working from home. There is substantial variation in these rates by individual country, from a 2026 rate of 42% in Luxembourg to 1% in Bulgaria and Romania. Compared to the baseline, the Unwinding of WFH scenario projects nearly 350 000 fewer total workers and more than 10 million fewer WFH workers by 2026, with the reduction concentrated mostly in services. The Acceleration of WFH scenario projects more than 830 000 additional workers in total and more
than 24 million more WFH workers by 2026, employed mostly in service sectors. The Acceleration of WFH with contract changes scenario projects nearly one million more total workers and more than 24 million more WFH workers by 2026. In this scenario, workers are assumed to shift from permanent to self-employed contract positions, leading to a projected increase in the rate of self-employment of 3.7 percentage points compared to the baseline. An unwinding of WFH in Europe would generate modest increases in costs for firms, mild decreases in total employment for workers and small aggregate output reductions. An acceleration of WFH, coupled with an increase in digital development in Europe, would provide benefits in terms of cost savings to firms,
higher employment and higher output. However, there is a risk that higher levels of WFH could lead to contract changes that, while providing benefits to firms, could undermine workers' power, pay and benefits. This has not been explicitly modelled in these projections but warrants deeper consideration."

"The 2022 edition of Health at a Glance: Europe examines the key challenges European countries must address to develop stronger, more resilient health systems following the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. It includes a special focus on how the pandemic has affected young people's mental and physical health. The report emphasises the need for additional measures to prevent the COVID-19 pandemic from scarring a generation of young people. This edition of Health at a Glance: Europe also assesses the pandemic's disruption of a wide range of health services for non-COVID patients, as well as the policy responses European countries deployed to minimise the adverse consequences of these disruptions. It also addresses a number of important behavioural and environmental risk factors that have a major impact on people's health and mortality, highlighting the need to put a greater focus on the prevention of both communicable and non-communicable diseases."

"Bien que l'amiante soit interdit en Suisse depuis 1989, les maladies provoquées par l'amiante sont aujourd'hui toujours présentes et en augmentation. En Suisse, par année, l'exposition professionnelle à l'amiante est responsable d'environ 135 décès par mésothéliome et 930 par cancer du poumon – rarement reconnu comme maladie professionnelle. Lors de tout diagnostic, il est essentiel d'effectuer une anamnèse professionnelle, en particulier chez les fumeurs, qui voient leur risque de cancer du poumon augmenter en raison de l'effet synergique amiante-tabac. Le médecin praticien peut jouer un rôle important pour faire reconnaître une maladie comme professionnelle, indispensable pour la prise en charge des frais médicaux par les assurances-accidents ainsi que l'allocation d'indemnités et de rente pour le patient, voire sa famille."

"Aim
Occupational exposures may harm the health of pregnant workers and their future children. While Switzerland has established specific regulations to safeguard pregnant employees while enabling them to pursue their job, there are limitations in implementing these provisions. This study aims to evaluate the contribution of an occupational medicine consultation (PregOH-consultation) in protecting pregnant workers and facilitating their safe return to work. Pregnant employees were referred to the consultation by their attending physicians in need of support in applying pregnancy protective legislation.

Subject and methods
Between 2015 and 2021, indicators were collected from pregnant workers who sought the consultation, as well as from their employers. Descriptive and correlational statistical analyses were performed.

Results
Out of the 328 work situations analysed, 98% presented at least one occupational hazard. Among the 272 companies contacted, only 14% had conducted a risk analysis, and 39% had implemented job adaptations. Among the pregnant workers whose employers were involved in the PregOH-consultation, 44% were able to return to work safely. Early referral to the consultation and pre-existing preventive measures within the company were identified as potential predictors of successul of the consultation in terms of safe return to work. The impact of the consultation was found to be less pronounced for women of foreign nationality."

"According to the Swiss legislation on maternity protection in the workplace (OProMa), if pregnant workers are exposed to occupational hazards and no protective measures are taken, a gynecologist will prescribe a certificate of preventive leave and the women must stop working. Returning to work is only possible if job adjustments are made. This study aims to evaluate the burden of absences on companies and to examine the predictors of the return to work for pregnant workers on preventive leave, by examining both the probability of return to work and the time required to return to work. The study sample includes data on 258 workplaces of pregnant workers on preventive leave, collected during an occupational medicine consultation aimed at supporting the implementation of the OProMa. Information is available on the worker (age, date of consultation), the hazards to which she is exposed, the company's knowledge of the OProMa and whether a risk analysis exists. Descriptive statistics and multivariate regression analysis are carried out. In 58% of the workplaces, it was not possible to return to work before the end of the pregnancy. This corresponds to an average absence of 4.5 months. In 42% of the workplaces, a return to work was possible thanks to workplace adaptations. A conforming risk analysis and a full knowledge of the OProMa for companies, and an early visit to the occupational medicine consultation for workers are good predictors of the likelihood of returning to work. Younger age and exposure to certain types of risks are factors that influence the duration of preventive leave. The implementation of OProMa in Switzerland poses serious challenges, but early identification of occupational hazards and practices that anticipate compliance with the law in the company increase the return to work in safety for pregnant workers."

"he multi-thematic statistical book Energy, transport and environment indicators comprises a broad set of data collected by Eurostat. It presents the EU's main indicators for energy, transport and environment that support the design and monitoring of EU policies. The publication provides data for the European Union and its Member States, while some indicators include also data for the EFTA countries and candidate countries and potential candidates to the EU. "

"Both parties and interest groups matter to democracy. Historically, examples of close relationships between the two abound. But perhaps the best known because it was supposedly the most intimate and politically important is the relationship between left-of-centre parties and trade unions. Whether rooted in a shared history, culture and ideology or more a 'marriage of convenience', it is widely believed that their relationship helped socialist, social democratic, and labour parties win power and ensured the working class achieved huge gains in terms of full employment, the welfare state and labour market regulation in the post war period. In recent decades, however, it has been widely argued that the links between left-of-centre parties and trade unions have declined as their collaboration has become less mutually beneficial, not least as a consequence of structural changes in the economy and labour market. This volume interrogates, qualifies, and even challenges that widespread assumption. Based on a brand new dataset, including organizational data gathered by a cross-national team of experts, it uncovers and explores what turns out to be considerable variation in the strength of contemporary organizational links between left-of-centre parties and unions in twelve different countries that have been democracies since at least the mid -to late-1940's. Testing a series of hypotheses on the importance and the impact of particular political systems and socio-economic factors, and on the costs and benefits for both parties and unions, detailed qualitative and quantitative analysis suggests that left-of-centre party-trade union links are stronger where trade unions are larger, denser, and more unified and where parties are less able to rely on the state to finance their organizational activities and electoral campaigns. Traditional partners that still have fairly strong links with each other seem to have greater incentives than others to maintain those links. Moreover, it remains the case that the links between parties and unions matter in policy terms."