Documents militancy 89 results

"À partir d'une enquête de terrain réalisée au sein d'une organisation de lutte contre le chômage, « Agir ensemble contre le chômage » (AC !), cet article analyse le potentiel transformateur et intégrateur de l'action collective des chômeurs, notamment pour ceux qui sont éloignés depuis plusieurs années du marché de l'emploi et ne disposent pas de socialisation militante. Si la participation à un collectif de chômeurs a pu être appréhendée comme un risque d'enfermement dans la condition de chômeur, l'enquête souligne qu'elle peut aussi se présenter comme un moyen de la modifier temporairement, du moins dans certains contextes. Ce processus repose sur des modes d'action qui renversent le stigmate. Il dépend plus largement du travail accompli dans ces univers militants qui s'accompagne de dynamiques de valorisation et d'affirmation de soi, pouvant parfois conduire à un redéploiement des trajectoires sociales et professionnelles."

"On Friday, 20 September 2019, over 4 million people worldwide participated in the youth-led Global Climate Strike. Emphasizing the dire impacts of the climate crisis on people's health, planetary health, and health equity, participants called for politicians and those with power to listen to the scientists and to the evidence. But who are these politicians and what is the evidence regarding to whom they listen? In the United States (US), critical research documents how the public's will is being subverted—and people and planetary health are being harmed—via changes to the ‘rules of the game' that affect democratic governance. Health professionals, organizations, and institutions should encourage civic engagement—for themselves, their staff, members, and study participants—regarding: voter registration; being counted in the 2020 Census; countering partisan gerrymandering; and helping to build strong coalitions addressing profound links between climate change, health equity, and democratic governance."

"This study examines how digital platforms transform traditional patterns of grassroots labor mobilisation through a comparative analysis of two cases: the 2021 formation of Foreningen af Danske Sygeplejersker by nurses in Denmark and Las Kellys, an association of Spanish hotel chambermaids. While both organisations emerged from female-dominated sectors, their divergent trajectories show how institutional contexts and professional identities shape digital organising outcomes. Through analysis of social media data and interviews, we show how these groups used digital platforms to simultaneously maintain multiple forms of engagement: building collective identity among dispersed workers, challenging union leadership, and gaining public visibility.
In Denmark, FDS's targeted social media approach harnessed nurses' professional cohesion to successfully pressure their union into adapting wage demands, eventually leading to accommodation within existing structures. In Spain, Las Kellys' broader community-building strategy helped overcome worker isolation but resulted in organisational fragmentation, with some chapters becoming formal unions while others remained associations.
The comparison reveals how similar digital tools can produce different organisational outcomes depending on workers' structural position and unions' capacity for democratic renewal. Our findings contribute to understanding how digital platforms enable sustained grassroots engagement while highlighting the continued importance of institutional contexts and union democratic practices in shaping labor movement trajectories."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

"The literature on the far right is trying to connect with social movement studies. Scholars from different social scientific backgrounds are increasingly acknowledging that extra-parliamentary grassroots activism is part of the alliance and conflict structure of nativist collective actors. The recent rise in far-right street politics – or, precisely, its re-emergence with seemingly different clothes – should encourage the study of the inter-relations between party and non-party collective actors. As a case in point, the far right not only includes political parties geared towards elections and public office but also social movements or ‘networks of networks' that aim to mobilise public support, and a conglomeration of subcultural groups and groupuscules. By putting forward a three-part metric to analyse mobilisation factors at the macro, meso, and micro levels, this piece and the Special Issue it introduces bring the (inter-)relations between far-right parties, movements, and subcultures frontstage, and elaborate on nativist collective action across different arenas of contention."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

"Il testo si sofferma sulle conseguenze di due cambiamenti fondamentali fra loro correlati e interdipendenti. Il primo riguardo l'evoluzione verso forme di ibridazione tra essere umano e macchina che si fondono nel macchinico. Il secondo l'allargamento della base di valorizzazione ai tempi del capitalismo contemporaneo, e il passaggio dal capitalismo fordista a quello biocognitivo, soffermandosi su due aspetti: la riproduzione sociale e il lavoro gratuito. Dal punto di vista della percezione soggettiva, si esamina come il soggetto produttore passi da una modalità alienata e passiva descritta dalla categoria ‘homo faber' a una ibrida. Infine analizza come tali nuove modalità di lavoro modifichino e rendano sterile il concetto di militanza, a seguito della crisi delle forme della rappresentazione del lavoro. "

"This article conducts a critical analysis of the issue of the access of military personnel to the legal guarantees of the freedom to associate in trade unions from the perspective of international legal standards. Despite the consistently freedom-oriented evolution of international standards which have become applicable to union freedoms in recent decades, many states still uphold sweeping statutory bans on the unionization of military personnel. The potential engagement of members of the armed forces in any union activity is a contentious issue suspended between the requirement to protect the very essence of the freedom of association (FoA), the practices and traditions established in many states, and the need to maintain the effective security of the state against external threats. The analysis considers the evolution of perspectives presented by competent international supervisory and interpretative bodies which have substantially revised their views in recent years on the extent of necessary legal guarantees and acceptable restrictions on freedom of association with respect to military personnel. The analysis leads to the conclusion that a complete and absolute statutory ban on the unionization of military personnel may be incompatible with current international standards. The absolute requirement to respect the fundamental essence of freedom of association as an unquestionable and universal standard of human rights means that national legislators should guarantee military personnel at least the minimum level of freedom to associate in trade unions."

"The discussion between Jane Holgate and Miguel Martínez Lucio aims to reflect on some of the issues in the development and learning dimension of worker representatives and activists. It is mainly based on experiences in the United Kingdom but aims to look at some strategic issues and changes that link into broader international developments and cases. Jane Holgate has worked with a range of trade unions in the United Kingdom and has a strong sense of developments in North America – especially around the ‘organising' tradition. She is an activist academic, and with some of her colleagues has been key to the development of Ella Baker School of Organising and been involved in Critical Labour Studies for some time. Miguel Martínez Lucio as an activist-academic and a participant in the Critical Labour Studies network, has been involved in trade union education and research support at certain points of his career in the United Kingdom and been involved in trade union and political education and sessions in a number of European contexts (in particular, Spain). For many years he has, for example worked with UNITE, UNISON, and Communication Worker activists in several sectors in the United Kingdom and in projects involving the CCOO in Spain, the CGIL in Italy and the European Trade Union Institute. The purpose of this discussion is to consider some of the challenges in terms of training and learning within the labour movement and how they have evolved over time. We are at a key moment where the decline of organisational spaces dedicated to the learning and development of trade union and worker representatives is intensifying, and where new technological opportunities and alternatives are not as clear or easily available as one would have as first imagined."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

"Social media–based platforms such as Facebook and Twitter are increasingly being used by feminists across the globe as a way to capture and harness wider audiences and draw their attention to individual campaigns and social issues. However, the moderators who work behind the scenes on these feminist campaigns are largely unrecognised for their work. This article frames the work of these activists as a form of digital labour – and one that carries series of consequences for the movement in relation to activist burnout. In this article, I draw on data gathered from interviews undertaken with representatives from three Australian-based contemporary feminist campaigns in order to demonstrate that feminist campaigners within contemporary online feminist campaigns undertake a form of digital labour and examine the effects of this labour for activists involved in these groups."