Documents Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin 12 results

"Social protection in Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands share Bismarckian roots. Over time, these welfare states were however in constant flux and incorporated to a greater or lesser extend elements of both the Anglo‐Saxon and Nordic models. While the Netherlands has from the beginning deviated from the Bismarckian model, in recent years this welfare state has undergone important reforms that have made it increasingly evolve into a “Bismarck cum Beveridge” model. Germany and Belgium also witnessed a dual transformation, with retrenched earnings‐related benefits for long‐term unemployed and an increasing number of atypically employed people on the one hand and expanded social security to the so‐called “new social risks” on the other. It is against this changing institutional background that we can understand the similarities and differences in the extent to which these three continental welfare states used traditional social insurance systems to buffer the social and economic consequences of confinement. First, all three countries strengthened to varying degrees social protection systems for the active age population. So conceived, the policy responses were a response to the dual transformation of social protection that took place in recent decades without, however, changing its course. Second, the extent to which continental welfare states made use of existing social insurance schemes seems to be related to the extent to which these welfare states have moved in the Anglo‐Saxon direction."

"Der Beitrag zeigt, wie sich das konservative deutsche System der sozialen Sicherung dem liberalen amerikanischen Modell während der vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte angenähert hat. Der Fokus liegt primär auf der Absicherung der Risiken Arbeitslosigkeit und Alter; zusätzlich zur staatlichen bzw. gesetzlichen Sozialpolitik werden auch Elemente der betrieblichen Absicherung mit einbezogen. Trotz des insgesamt festzustellenden Konvergenzprozesses sind wir Zeugen signifikanter Unterschiede in der Absicherung von Outsidern. Während in der Bundesrepublik noch immer die verfassungsrechtliche Garantie zur Absicherung des Existenzminimums gilt, gibt es in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika nichts Vergleichbares. Das Fehlen eines sozialrechtlichen Anspruchs auf Leistungen für Langzeitarbeitslose, kombiniert mit der zunehmenden Kriminalisierung des „Lumpenproletariats“, ist das zentrale Differenzierungsmerkmal des US-Modells zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. Dieser Befund bestätigt Franz-Xaver Kaufmanns Analyse, wonach die Vereinigten Staaten als kapitalistisches System zu kategorisieren sind, dem jedwede kollektive sozialstaatliche Verantwortung für alle Staatsbürger fehlt."

"Britain and Germany have been experiencing significant changes in the nature of work and welfare since the 1990s. Although important differences have remained, there have been compelling indications of a dual transformation of welfare constituted not only by a far-reaching retrenchment in unemployment insurance but also by a remarkable expansion in family policy. These developments have their functional underpinnings in accelerating deindustrialization with a declining proportion of the male workforce with specific skills as well as in service sector growth and rising female labor market participation characterized by an increase in general skills. As the aggregate effect of economic fluctuations in industrial production has diminished over time, the relative incidence of work disruptions that have arisen from maternity and child-rearing has increased substantially. This dual transformation in welfare and employment patterns suggests that the process of deindustrialization has initiated significant path adjustments unanticipated in the existing comparative political economy literature."

"Poverty, increased inequality, and social exclusion are back on the political agenda in Western Europe, not only as a consequence of the Great Recession of 2008, but also because of a seemingly structural trend towards increased inequality in advanced industrial societies that has persisted since the 1970s. How can we explain this increase in inequalities? Policies in labor markets, social policy, and political representation are strongly linked in the creation, widening, and deepening of insider-outsider divides--a process known as dualization. While it is certainly not the only driver of increasing inequality, the encompassing nature of its development across multiple domains makes dualization one of the most important current trends affecting developed societies.



However, the extent and forms of dualization vary greatly across countries. The comparative perspective of this book provides insights into why Nordic countries witness lower levels of insider-outsider divides, whereas in continental, liberal and southern welfare states, they are more likely to constitute a core characteristic of the political economy. Most importantly, the comparisons presented in this book point to the crucial importance of politics and political choice in driving and shaping the social outcomes of deindustrialization. While increased structural labor market divides can be found across all countries, governments have a strong responsibility in shaping the distributive consequences of these labor market changes. Insider-outsider divides are not a straightforward consequence of deindustrialization, but rather the result of political choice.



A landmark publication, this volume is geared for faculty and graduate students of economics, political science, social policy, and sociology, as well as policymakers concerned with increasing inequality in a period of deep economic and social crisis."

"With a shift in the political debate to more market-driven social policy approaches during the past decade, politicians in a number of European countries have argued that employers should take on greater responsibilities in the provision of social policy. But why should employers get involved? After reviewing the relevant literature on firm-level social policy, we analyse the conditions and causal pathways that lead to their provision. Our findings show that (i) the skill structure and level of the workforce are important conditions for firm-level engagement; (ii) employers have usually been the 'protagonists'; (iii) the role of unions has been more limited — in Germany they can largely be characterized as 'consenters', whereas in Britain, their impact is negligible; (iv) in accordance with the specific systems of industrial relations, the design in Germany very much follows the concept of social partnership; in Britain the design is usually based on unilateral management decisions; and (v) based on these conditions and causal pathways, 'enclave social policy' is the likely result of the expansionary policy development, although in Germany, these policies have the potential of becoming an element of 'industrial citizenship'."

"Family policies have been expanded in many OECD countries, whilst developments along other welfare state dimensions have been characterized by retrenchment. Although the contribution of gender analyses of the welfare state to a better understanding of family policies is widely acknowledged, the literature so far has largely failed to provide a comparative account explaining the recent expansions of employment-oriented family policies in countries that were previously categorized as pursuing policies in accordance with the strong male breadwinner model. This article aims to make a contribution to the comparative literature by investigating the socioeconomic conditions and politics of employment-oriented family policy expansions in Britain and Germany since the 1990s. We pay special attention to processes of post-industrialisation and especially changed skill compositions as well as the role of key policy actors, with a special focus on organized business. "

"Infolge der uneinheitlichen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der EU-Mitgliedstaaten und aufgrund von Unterschieden zwischen den nationalen Sozialschutzsystemen genießen EU-Migranten in der Praxis oft sehr unterschiedliche soziale Rechte. Die substantiellen Ansprüche nicht erwerbstätiger EU-Migranten sind an den „Export“ sozialer Rechte aus dem Herkunftsland in das EU-Zielland gebunden. Dies trifft vor allem Arbeitsuchende und Rentner zu Beginn ihres Aufenthalts im EU-Zielland. Der Beitrag weist nach, dass die sozialen Rechte von EU-Bürgern in ihrer Substanz geschichtet sind, und zwar nicht nur nach dem Erwerbsstatus der Betroffenen, sondern auch nach EU-Herkunfts- und -Zielländern. Es wird argumentiert, dass diese Stratifizierung sozialer Rechte die Chancengleichheit bei der Ausübung des Freizügigkeitsrechts beschneidet und dadurch das Konzept der Unionsbürgerschaft als solches infrage stellt. Der Artikel schließt mit einem Vorschlag zu einem europäischen Mindesteinkommenssystem, mit dem sich die aktuellen Beeinträchtigungen der Unionsbürgerrechte zumindest teilweise überwinden ließen."

"The Maastricht Treaty of 1992 introduced the right to free movement for EU citizens. Despite this, in practice there are still substantial barriers to securing these freedoms. EU Citizenship and Social Rights discusses and analyses those legal and practical barriers preventing inter-European migrants from integrating into new host countries.
Providing analysis of the development of EU social policy, this book highlights the disparate roles of the EU as a whole and of Member States in determining social rights and outcomes. In particular the issues of social assistance, housing benefits, study grants and health care are examined. In addition, the authors discuss the discrepancy between the social rights granted to workers and social rights granted to non-worker migrants, as well as the barriers facing minority groups like the Roma, which highlight issues in the development of EU social policy for migrants.
This book will be a vital resource for students of European law as well as public and social policy. EU policy makers will also benefit from reading this, with its practical and theoretical suggestions for ways in which social policies may be amended to the benefit of EU citizens."

"Exacerbated by the Great Recession, youth transitions to employment and adulthood have become increasingly protracted, precarious, and differentiated by gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. Youth Labor in Transition examines young people's integration into employment, alongside the decisions and consequences of migrating to find work and later returning home. The authors identify key policy challenges for the future related to NEETS, overeducation, self-employment, and ethnic differences in outcomes. This illustrates the need to encompass a wider understanding of youth employment and job insecurity by including an analysis of economic production and how it relates to social reproduction of labor if policy intervention is to be effective.

The mapping and extensive analysis in this book are the result of a 3½-year, European Union-funded research project (Strategic Transitions for Youth Labour in Europe, or STYLE; http://www.style-research.eu) coordinated by Jacqueline O'Reilly. With an overall budget of just under 5 million euros and involving 25 research partners; an international advisory network and local advisory boards of employers, unions, and policymakers; and non-governmental organizations from more than 20 European countries, STYLE is one of the largest European Commission-funded research projects to exist on this topic. Consequently, this book will appeal to an array of audiences, including academic and policy researchers in sociology, political science, economics, management studies, and more particular labor market and social policy; policy communities; and bachelor's- and master's-level students in courses on European studies or any of the aforementioned subject areas."