Documents Moutos, Thomas 4 results

"Using an intertemporal model of saving and capital accumulation with two types of agents (workers and capitalists) we demonstrate that it is impossible for any binding minimum wage to increase the after-tax incomes of workers if the production function is Cobb-Douglas with constant returns to scale, or if there are no differences in ability among workers. We also show that it is not possible to increase the incomes of employed workers through minimum wage legislation, even under decreasing returns to scale and heterogeneity of ability among workers, unless the welfare support provided to unemployed workers is far below what they would earn in the absence of minimum wages. Moreover, we establish that in the absence of a separate class of agents (i.e. capitalists) minimum wages cannot increase the incomes of employed workers even when there are decreasing returns to scale and no welfare support is provided to the unemployed."

"This paper analyzes long run outcomes resulting from adopting a binding minimum wage in a neoclassical model with perfectly competitive labour markets and capital accumulation. The model distinguishes between workers of heterogeneous ability and capitalists who do all the saving, and it entails – relative to the perfectly competitive benchmark - large output and employment losses (among the lowest-ability workers) from the imposition of moderately binding minimum wages. Yet, with linear taxation in place, all employed workers can become better-off provided that the unemployed receive limited welfare support. With progressive taxation in place, the minimum wage may garner political support (i.e. a majority) even when the unemployed receive substantial welfare support despite potential opposition from the capitalists and the unemployed, as well as from the very-high ability workers whose net-of-taxes incomes decline."

"To many economists the public's support for the minimum wage (MW) institution is puzzling, since the MW is considered a “blunt instrument” for redistribution. To delve deeper in this issue we build models in which workers are heterogeneous in ability. In the first model, the government does not engage in any type of redistributive policies – except for the payment of unemployment benefits; we find that the MW is preferred by the majority of workers (even when the unemployed receive very generous unemployment benefits). In the second model, the government engages in redistribution through the public provision of private goods. We show that (i) the introduction of a MW can be preferred by a majority of workers only if the unemployed receive benefits which are substantially below the after-tax earnings they would have had in the perfectly competitive case, (ii) for a given generosity of the unemployment benefit scheme, the maximum, politically viable, MW is lower than in the absence of in-kind redistribution, and (iii) the MW institution is politically viable only when there is a limited degree of in-kind redistribution. These findings can possibly explain why a well-developed social safety net in Scandinavia tends to co-exist with the absence of a national MW, whereas in Southern Europe the MW institution “complements” the absence of a well-developed social safety net."

"The paper examines the effects of the age-differentiated decreases in the minimum wage which Greece implemented in 2012, and which involved the introduction of a subminimum wage as a result of the reduction of the minimum wage by 22% for workers aged 25 and above, and by 32% for those aged less than 25. Using data from the Greek Labor Force Survey, we estimate probit models and find that after the reform there was no statistically significant change in the differential employment probability advantage for private sector employees aged 25-27 over those aged 22-24. We also find that the probability of labour force participation for individuals in the 25-27 group becomes significantly higher (relative to the 22-24 group), which is reflected in a (statistically) significant improvement in the relative job finding rate for non-agricultural, private-sector employees of this group after the reform. Moreover, the reform had no significant differential impact on employment terminations; i.e. it had no differential impact on either dismissals or quits. These findings remain unaltered to a series of robustness checks."