Documents migration policy 396 results

"Les migrations internationales sont des aventures et des expériences de personnes qui décident de quitter leur pays d'origine. Parfois c'est pour l'attrait de nouveaux horizons.
Le but principal est de trouver un travail, de gagner de l'argent. Le rêve est parfois de faire fortune, parfois tout simplement de survivre. Les modalités de ces migrations sont très diverses, aventureuses et risquées. Elles suscitent compassion, admiration pour le courage et l'endurance, méfiance et hostilité aussi. La réalité du fait migratoire est extrêmement complexe. Il s'agit d'un fait majeur de transformation des sociétés et des personnes, dont il importe de développer une connaissance approfondie. Les migrations ne peuvent être réduites à une sorte de pulsion spontanée qui perdure depuis les déplacements des anciens terriens, à une simple pression démographique, à un déplacement de facteurs de production ou au seul angle de vue des personnes concernées. Cet ouvrage veut montrer que la migration est une réalité sociologique majeure aux multiples dimensions. L'analyse doit prendre en compte aussi bien les aspects vécus que les nombreuses facettes sociétales des faits migratoires, car ceux-ci influencent et déterminent structurellement les sociétés tant de départ que d'arrivée. Sans une approche globale et complexe des migrations, il n'est pas pensable de parvenir à une analyse lucide ni de mettre en place des politiques adéquates. Quelle société migratoire serait plus positive, moins chaotique et moins injuste ? C'est à cette question que l'auteur nous invite à réfléchir sans tabous. Pour contribuer à sortir des polémiques et des affrontements politiques et, peut-être, construire des axes porteurs de politiques migratoires, dont les pays européens et l'Union européenne, plus que tous autres, ont besoin."

"Disparen a los refugiados, claman los líderes de las nuevas formaciones xenófobas ante la llegada creciente de demandantes de asilo a Europa. Y las mismas élites que se escandalizan levantan muros, externalizan fronteras y militarizan el Mediterráneo, convertido hoy en la ruta migratoria más mortífera del mundo. La UE y sus Estados miembros han declarado la guerra a las personas migrantes, abrazando una xenofobia institucional y construyendo una Europa Fortaleza que provoca miles de muertes y conlleva recortes de derechos y libertades generalizados.
Imágenes espectaculares, discursos racistas, dispositivos represivos, políticas públicas, enormes negocios, nuevas formas de solidaridad, terremotos electorales, cifras trampeadas, miedos, esperanzas, muertes… En la conocida como «crisis de las y los refugiados» se entrecruzan múltiples dimensiones, pero todas remiten en el fondo a una crisis política, de derechos y de fronteras que dejan al descubierto las costuras del proyecto europeo. A Europa hoy le sangran las fronteras y le brotan las alambradas. Y en las heridas están surgiendo alternativas xenófobas y solidarias. Situar el campo de batalla es el primer paso para empezar a luchar."

"It is one of the most pressing and controversial questions of our time -- vehemently debated, steeped in ideology, profoundly divisive. Who should be allowed to immigrate and who not? What are the arguments for and against limiting the numbers? We are supposedly a nation of immigrants, and yet our policies reflect deep anxieties and the quirks of short-term self-interest, with effective legislation snagging on thousand-mile-long security fences and the question of how long and arduous the path to citizenship should be.

In Exodus, Paul Collier, the world-renowned economist and bestselling author of The Bottom Billion, clearly and concisely lays out the effects of encouraging or restricting migration. Drawing on original research and case studies, he explores this volatile issue from three perspectives: that of the migrants themselves, that of the people they leave behind, and that of the host societies where they relocate.

Immigration is a simple economic equation, but its effects are complex. Exodus confirms how crucial it will be that public policy face and address all of its ramifications. Sharply written and brilliantly clarifying, Exodus offers a provocative analysis of an issue that affects us all"

"Existing research on welfare chauvinism, which involves preferences about the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants in welfare programmes, often overlooks individual preferences regarding immigration policy openness (the number of immigrants allowed into a country). This article posits that these two dimensions should be considered together. The reason is that the implications of including or excluding migrants in welfare programmes vary significantly depending on whether a country admits few or many immigrants. Utilizing data from two waves of the European Social Survey across 23 European countries, we develop a typology of individual stances that encapsulate attitudes towards both immigration policy openness and immigrant inclusion in the welfare state. Our analysis reveals that the distribution of these stances varies considerably across European nations. We further examine how the probability of endorsing one of these typologies correlates with individual socio-economic characteristics, especially education. We find that higher education levels are linked to a higher likelihood of supporting either a combination of openness and inclusion or, to a lesser extent, openness paired with welfare exclusion. Additionally, more exclusionary attitudes are observed in countries where welfare usage by migrants is higher."

"The first keyword, Welfare State, sets out to problematise the term itself. The welfare state is a national construct, a ‘national social state' as Etienne Balibar calls it. Thus, transnational or global migration is often construed as a disruptive force, potentially destabilising the welfare state and the nation. This keyword entry critically examines common conceptions of what the welfare state should provide. It delineates some of the ways that migrants (and, more broadly foreign nationals who are not themselves necessarily migrants) are excluded or partially included, with a focus on contemporary EU social policies."

"This is an open access book. What is the history and current state of play of EU law and policy covering irregularised human mobility? What has been the role and contributions of the 2019-2024 European Commission as regards EU migration policy? This book investigates how migration policies have been problematised at the EU institutional level, in particular by the European Commission. It critically assesses the assumptions lying behind the Commission's political priorities, agendas and policy outputs. Through the concept of irregularity assemblages, the book examines how EU policy professionals and bureaucracies in the relevant Commission services problematise their respective mandates/portfolios; how they interact with each other and even compete; and how they frame certain forms of human mobility as being an ‘irregular migration problem' or not. After retracing key historical developments in the framing of irregularised human mobilities at the EU level, the book identifies six policy approaches in the work and structures of the 2019-2024 European Commission. It finds that a home affairs and criminalisation approach that prioritises a law enforcement understanding of cross-border and intra-EU mobility, and pursuing a Ministry of Interior-like agenda, has prevailed. This approach stands at odds with human dignity and other legitimate public policy approaches, such as those giving priority to employment and social inclusion, non-discrimination, and fundamental rights, where the administrative migration status of the individual is not the entry point. The overriding priority driving EU migration policy has been the expulsion, policing and criminalisation of people framed or categorised as ‘irregular migrants'. The analysis shows how Commission has failed to effectively perform its role as guardian of the Treaties and unequivocally enforce and comply with EU Treaty constitutive values, EU law and Better Regulation commitments in migration policies."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

"The labour market integration of migrants is a heavily politicised topic in Europe. Using detailed and recently updated data on migrant's motivations this paper places a much needed emphasis upon the heterogeneity of migrant groups and the pathways to their labour market integration. We focus on host country human capital and labour market outcomes from three ad-hoc modules of the EU Labour Force Survey to analyse (1) who takes up host country human capital; and (2) determine what the role of host country human capital acquisitions are in the labour market integration of heterogenous migrant groups and across time. Our results indicate that the take-up of host country human capital differs strongly between countries, with some of these differences reflecting the impact of specific policies, as well as variation in the economic context upon arrival. Importantly, we find that whereas non-economic migrants are at a substantial disadvantage compared to the majority, non-economic migrants benefit relatively much more from host-country human capital, particularly better language skills, host country qualifications and having equivalised their degrees. Our analysis points to the need to consider the trajectories of labour market integration of different migrant groups separately as there is great variation with years of residence and the take up of host country human capital."

"Following the green light by the European Parliament in May 2024, the Council voted in favour of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. After years of disagreements on the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), the co-legislators were ultimately able to achieve a compromise on the legislative package. The reform paves the way for a new generation of EU asylum and migration laws. Many initially hoped that the reforms could also open a new chapter for the EU's policies in this area. Yet, uncertainty around the implementation of the new rules remains high. Not all member states stand behind the reform package, as the successful but not unanimous vote in the Council showed. With migration as high as ever on the EU and national political agendas on the one hand, and demands for further legislative changes on the other, it is more important than ever to have an in-depth and comprehensive understanding of the reforms' impact.
The New Pact seeks to streamline migration processes, as illustrated by the new ‘seamless' procedures it sets in place at the EU's borders, consisting of screening, border asylum procedures, and border return procedures. The Pact also seeks to address longstanding deficiencies in responsibilitysharing over asylum seekers among member states. In addition, it establishes new governance structures, new fora and coordinators. It foresees pivotal new roles for the EU institutions, for example in ascertaining situations of migratory pressure, operationalising solidarity, and overseeing the smooth running of border processing. In an effort to depart from the past, further measures were also adopted to crisis-proof the EU's migration and asylum systems and respond to situations where migration is instrumentalised for political purposes. The New Pact establishes national level monitoring mechanisms for the detection and followup of fundamental rights violations during screening and border processing. Monitoring will help preserve access to asylum. Nevertheless, other Pact provisions, such as curtailed procedural rights during border processing, risk jeopardising the rights of asylum seekers and migrants.

Even before these new measures were formally adopted, the European Commission was determined to see them properly implemented from day one. Ursula von der Leyen, re-elected as European Commission President for a second time, emphasised the New Pact implementation as a key priority.
With divergent national practices and lack of compliance having undermined the CEAS' functioning in the past, this strong focus on implementation is a significant evolution, aimed at ensuring adherence to the new rules once they become fully applicable in 2026. Based on a Common Implementation Plan launched by the Commission in June 2024, member states were tasked with presenting National Implementation Plans by early December 2024, identifying the needed capacities and resources. Collectively, these plans are meant to guide EU and member state action and preparedness. Pressure on national authorities is thus high. Yet, authorities at the EU and member state level are still grappling with many legal, operational, and financial questions."

"Legal and political issues left the management of the 2015-16 refugee crisis mostly in the hands of national governments, but this is incompatible with an integrated economic area that has largely abolished internal borders. It is also incompatible with some founding European Union principles, such as the existence of a common European policy on the mobility of people.

A greater role for European institutions and policies is needed both for policing the common borders and imposing common welcome policy standards for refugees, based on best practices. EU measures are also required to face the long-term problems related to immigration, as it is very likely that economic and demographic differences between the EU and neighbouring countries will lead to further crises in the future. Planning for this requires ample and dedicated resources, and a long-term strategy based on agreements with immigrants' countries of origin, a task that no EU country can pursue alone.

Some progress has been made to strengthen the role of the EU, with the adoption of new directives, such as the Asylum Procedures Directive, and the establishment of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency. However, the situation is still far from satisfactory. There are major differences in refugee welcome and integration policies in EU countries, as shown by differences in asylum request outcomes in different countries and the different integration processes. There is also a serious lack of information about the skills and competences of refugees in different countries. This is a problem because this information is a necessary first step for an integrated welcome policy that might transform a challenge into an opportunity for aging European economies.

Such differences between EU countries are not only inequitable but also inefficient. They lead to massive distortions in the functioning of European labour markets and create incentives for refugees to seek asylum in specific countries. Moreover, the promise made by EU institutions of a refugee relocation programme is presently not being kept, leaving the countries of first entry to carry disproportionate burdens. Legal procedures are part of the problem because the Dublin Regulation, approved under different circumstances, obliges the first-entry country to examine asylum requests. However, political obstacles play the main role. EU countries are very different in terms of their cultural attitudes towards immigration and it is difficult to impose a common solution on them. Practical solutions, based on the countries that do not want refugees making compensation payments, are probably the most realistic avenues to follow."

"« TINA ». There Is No Alternative : il n'y a pas d'alternative.

La célèbre expression de Margaret Thatcher est tout sauf vraie. Des alternatives au capitalisme et à la pensée unique néolibérale existent. Elles sont construites par des femmes et des hommes qui, partout dans le monde, se dressent contre l'injustice, les inégalités, l'oppression. Beaucoup de ces alternatives sont simples, cohérentes et, avec un peu de volonté politique, pourraient être mises en œuvre dès aujourd'hui.

Prétendre que l'être humain est fondamentalement égoïste ou que le capitalisme est notre seul horizon revient à forger notre impuissance : en jetant le discrédit sur celles et ceux qui veulent changer le monde, taxés de rêveurs, d'utopistes, TINA nourrit le fatalisme, la passivité et la résignation. En effet, comment penser l'alternative et pourquoi agir si l'on part du principe que, de toute façon, « c'est foutu » et qu'on n'y pourra rien changer ?

C'est le point de départ et l'objectif de ce livre : proposer un outil accessible, pratique, concret et rigoureux pour rompre avec le fatalisme ambiant et montrer que, dans tous les domaines (finance, économie, éducation, culture, démocratie, agriculture, etc.), des alternatives crédibles à la mondialisation capitaliste sont à notre portée.

Cet ouvrage s'adresse aux millions de personnes indignées par les injustices et les absurdités de ce monde. À celles et ceux qui veulent construire un autre modèle, fondé sur la satisfaction des droits humains fondamentaux, le respect de l'environnement et la construction d'une véritable démocratie.

L'Histoire a montré qu'il est vain d'attendre passivement que nos dirigeants servent les intérêts des populations. Ce ne sont pas le bon sens ou l'intérêt général qui mènent le monde, mais les rapports de force. Face à la puissance organisée des transnationales et de la finance, il est temps que les peuples s'organisent, prennent en main leur destin et, par l'action collective, relèvent le défi du changement. Si ce livre réussit à éveiller l'envie d'apprendre, de débattre et de passer à l'action, il aura pleinement joué son rôle."