Documents right to strike 332 results

"This article addresses the right to strike in the context of recent developments in China. The matter is discussed through the medium of developments at the International Labour Organization (ILO) in 2012 where the existence of the right to strike was questioned by the International Organisation of Employers (IOE) in highly confrontational and controversial circumstances, in the process presenting a major political challenge to the ILO supervisory bodies and their very survival. It is argued here that the IOE claims are greatly exaggerated, that the position of the ILO supervisory bodies is easily defended, and that the behaviour of the IOE presents a serious threat to the rule of law. The article concludes with some brief reflections on the implications of the foregoing for the right to strike in China."

"This collection of essays presents an interdisciplinary investigation by lawyers and philosophers into the philosophical ideas, concepts, and principles that provide the foundation for the field of labour law and employment law. The book addresses the doubts that have been expressed about whether a body of labour law that protects workers is needed at all, what should be regarded as the proper scope of the field in the light of developments such as the integration of work and home life by means of technology, the globalization of the economy, and the precarious kinds of work that thrive in the gig economy. Paying particular attention to political philosophy and theories of justice, the contributions focus on four themes: I. freedom, dignity, and human rights; II. distributive justice and exploitation; III. workplace democracy and self-determination; and IV. social inclusion."

"The interposition of a digital platform between consumers and workers providing services, even of a very traditional nature, has led to the creation of a (relatively) new business model, where there is an attempt to deny providers access to rights and protections typical of labour law; among these, collective rights. My intervention aims to offer a comparison between the Italian legal system, on one hand, and the American and British ones on the other, demonstrating how the former, unlike the latter, thanks to the support provided by the workers' statute to freedom and union activity in workplaces, has managed to provide the necessary tools to effectively address the aforementioned challenges."

"On admet aisément qu'à l'échelle internationale le droit de grève est un droit fondamental qui découle de la liberté syndicale. Pour ce faire, on a pris l'habitude avec l'OIT de se référer aux Conventions n° 87 sur la liberté syndicale et n° 98 sur le droit d'organisation et de négociation collective. Pourtant, au sein même de l'OIT, les représentants des employeurs sont depuis plusieurs années entrés en rébellion. Finalement, après d'âpres discussions, lors d'un vote intervenu le 10 novembre 2023, l'OIT a décidé de saisir la Cour internationale de justice. Baptiste Delmas analyse ici les facettes de cette procédure que l'on peut qualifier d'historique."

"L'année 2023 a encore été riche pour l'Organisation Internationale du Travail, que ce soit en termes de publications, d'activités ou de coopération. Mais ce qui l'emporte d'est certainement la saisine, par le Conseil d'Administration lors de sa 349e session, de la Cour Internationale de Justice (CIJ). Est demandé à la plus Haute juridiction de l'ordre juridique international un avis consultatif sur la question suivante : « Le droit de grève des travailleurs et de leurs organisations est-il protégé par la Convention (n°87) sur la liberté syndicale et la protection du droit syndical de 1948 ? ». Bien que les raisons ayant conduit l'OIT à mobiliser pour la première fois depuis 1932 l'article 37 alinéa 1 de sa Constitution soient probablement déjà connues des lecteurs de cette revue, un rappel du contexte (I) et une présentation des conditions (II) de la saisine de la CIJ peuvent être utiles pour tenter d'en mesurer les enjeux."

"In the 1980s and 1990s, Conservative Governments contemplated but ultimately refused direct interventions in strikes in essential services as unenforceable and ineffective. The Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Act 2023 crosses this Rubicon. It does so not by a participatory framework but by granting Ministers and employers virtually unrestrained powers to restrict (and effectively prohibit by neutralising the impact of) industrial action by imposing minimum service levels. This article offers a critical account of the Act based on three main claims. First, it argues that the Act is shaped by what is termed ‘coercive dual unilateralism', an authoritarian crucible of three elements: (i) executive unilateralism, (ii) employer unilateralism and (iii) coercion (severe sanctions compounded by chilling legal uncertainty of ill-defined duties). Secondly, it challenges the Government's claim of the Act's compliance with ILO standards and Article 11 ECHR as a misconstruction. Thirdly, it finds that the Act satisfies all three authoritarian markers (stifling of dissent, direct state coercion, elevation of social order as an external justification for restrictions) identified in Bogg's seminal account of the TUA 2016 as a shift away from neo-liberalism to authoritarianism. But it resists a ‘beyond neo-liberalism' conclusion. Instead, it argues that the Act should be seen as the product of a ‘strong-weak' state (strong in power, weak in securing consent) that seeks to fortify neo-liberalism against a sharpened contestation reflected in the current strike wave."

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"Depuis la création de la Belgique, les mouvements sociaux ont influencé les lois, en revendiquant leur adoption,
leur modification ou leur abolition. L'évolution du droit et celle des mouvements sociaux sont étroitement liées. La contribution des mouvements sociaux à l'évolution positive de la législation dans un État de droit ne peut être perdue de vue.
Les atteintes au droit de manifester que nous constatons actuellement doivent nous alarmer au plus haut point. S'il faut évidemment saluer les protections que le droit belge offre aux manifestant·es, l'actualité nous force à constater que ces protections régressent et ne suffisent plus. Face à ces constats, des organisations se sont réunies au sein de la coalition « droit de protester », dont notamment :
ABVV-FGTB, ACLVB - CGSLB, ACV - CSC, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, CEPAG, CIRE, CNCD, FIAN, FOS, GREENPEACE,
KIFKIF, LIGUE DES DROITS HUMAINS, LIGUE DES FAMILLES, LIGA VOOR MENSENRECHTEN, MOC, PAC,
VLUCHTELINGENWERK, SOLIDARIS, SORALIA, ...