Documents Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Rome 5 results

"The extreme right wing of the Lega and Fratelli d'Italia, led by Matteo Salvini and Giorgia Meloni, today has the quasi-monopoly of the opposition. In the months of the outbreak and management of the pandemic, the management of the opposition role was ambiguous and confused: however, an attitude of noncooperation prevailed. The style and rhetoric of the two leaders often evoked populist frames and themes, particularly immigration and Europe, naturally suited for the pandemic situation, although Meloni tried to show a less extreme profile. The growing consensus of her party and the decreasing consensus of Salvini's party leave open the question of the impact of the pandemic on the consensus of populist parties. What seems certain is that their traditional themes have lost strength."

"Als die Corona-Krise über Italien hereinbrach, hatte das Land nicht nur mit einer enorm hohen Staatsverschuldung zu kämpfen, sondern auch mit den BIP- und Beschäftigungseinbrüchen seit 2008/2009, die noch immer nicht wettgemacht waren. • Die Einschränkungsmaßnahmen, die dazu dienen sollten, die Ansteckungsgefahr einzudämmen, trafen vor allem junge Menschen und Frauen hart, weil diese unter atypisch Beschäftigten sowie in den von den Schließungen am stärksten betroffenen Branchen überdurchschnittlich vertreten sind. • Die einkommensschützenden Maßnahmen der Regierung gingen über die üblichen Instrumente hinaus und berücksichtigten sämtliche Branchen, es bestehen aber weiterhin große Ungleichheiten und viele Menschen sind ausgeschlossen."

"La crisi pandemica ha colpito un'Italia che non solo aveva un enorme debito pubblico, ma non aveva ancora recuperato – in termini di PIL e di occupazione, la crisi del 2008. • Le restrizioni per ridurre il contagio hanno colpito soprattutto giovani e donne perché maggiormente concentrati in contratti di lavoro atipico e nei settori maggiormente coinvolti nelle chiusure. • Il governo ha esteso le forme di protezione del reddito al di là degli strumenti, e dei settori, tradizionali, ma sono rimaste e rimangono forti disomogeneità nelle forme di protezione e molti continuano a rimanere esclusi."

"The corona pandemic and the restrictions imposed on economic and social activities to contain it have led to a sharp economic contraction in Germany as well. Furthermore, they met with an already weakened growth momentum and an economy with structural problems and a considerable investment deficit in basic and especially digital infrastructure. In view of this situation, it was possible to suspend the so-called “debt brake” and to invest in a strengthened economic performance with massive government support programmes. Although the massive state intervention during the acute phase of the crisis directed considerable resources into supporting existing (often fossil-based) infrastructures and companies, focusing the recovery programme on green technologies and digitalisation can accelerate the urgently needed transformation efforts in these areas and thus help to reduce structural deficits in the German economy. There is also widespread agreement that, in view of the enormous challenges, a more active state that is both capable and willing to act is needed, as well as a coordinated European approach."

"Lega e Fratelli d'Italia sono stati capaci di accreditarsi come referenti politici all'interno delle fasce sociali più esposte agli effetti sociali della crisi, afflitte da crescente disuguaglianza, disagio economico, precarietà. • Molte ricerche e analisi demoscopiche sul voto operaio hanno messo in evidenza la presenza di questi partiti populisti di destra, in particolar modo la Lega, tra gli iscritti ai sindacati confederali. • Rispetto alla dimensione del dialogo sociale, La Lega ha sempre dichiarato di voler decentralizzare la contrattazione sindacale. Invece è soprattutto Fratelli d'Italia a propugnare modelli di cogestione all'interno delle aziende."