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"Brexit is an irreversible fact. Everyone will be worse off. But what are the exact ramifications, for the UK, the EU, and the partnership between the two?



This book examines the political, economic, social and institutional implications of the UK's departure from the EU in different policy fields, including trade, defence and security, foreign policy, judicial cooperation, migration and mobility, as well as its impact on UK politics and EU integration.

Besides thinking through the consequences of Brexit, the authors consider the ongoing negotiations and the possibility of the EU and UK failing to agree on a deal before 31 December 2020. They also look at the dramatic impact of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and conclude that, given the related health, economic and social crises, the transition period must be extended.

The publication also holds a few lessons on what the EU could and should take away from this experience. As the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier, says in the book's foreword: "We must take the time to listen to our citizens, to understand them, and to provide answers for their concerns. It is too late for the British regions, but it is not too late for the rest of Europe."

The contributions in this book, all by leading experts on Brexit, draw from discussions held in the Brexit Think Tank Group, which was set up by the European Policy Centre (EPC) in the aftermath of the 2016 referendum. Through this format, the EPC facilitated a continuing exchange between the European Commission's Task Force for Relations with the United Kingdom and the policy community. The group provided analysis and insight at crucial moments in the negotiations, including on the level playing field issue."

"The concept of 'EU solidarity' is often used by European leaders in times of crisis to shore up calls for cooperation between EU member states and justify joint decision-making. But while interstate solidarity between EU countries based on reciprocity and enlightened self-interest is relatively well-developed, there is little to no interpersonal solidarity between European citizens on the one hand and between EU institutions and citizens on the other. This lack of transnational solidarity could threaten Europe's social cohesion and, thus, European integration in the long run.

If EU solidarity is to be more than a buzzword, European leaders must prioritise solidarity in their political agenda and give the concept more substance. Sophie Pornschlegel puts forward four recommendations on how to go about it:

The EU should rethink its concept of solidarity: move away from a purely transactional understanding and shift towards a definition that allows for the emergence of solidarity between European citizens.
The EU's cohesion agenda should be consolidated and widened to include interstate and interpersonal solidarity mechanisms rather than only interterritorial ones.
The EU should better support national solidarity mechanisms, as they are the basis for social cohesion in the EU27.
The EU should establish the conditions necessary for interpersonal solidarity to emerge in Europe.

These recommendations are based on an analysis of the origins, forms and dimensions of solidarity at the EU level. The Issue Paper also explores how EU solidarity has evolved through multiple crises in the past few decades before looking specifically at the solidarity mechanisms - and their limitations - set up during the COVID-19 crisis. "

"A mesure qu'elle se rapproche de l'Union européenne avec laquelle, en février 2004, elle a entamé des négociations pour la conclusion d'un Accord de stabilisation et d'association, l'Albanie semble paradoxalement s'éloigner de plus en plus des critères européens. L'incapacité des autorités à lutter plus efficacement contre la corruption et le crime organisé leur a d'ailleurs valu un rapport plutôt critique de la Commission en mars 2004. Les conditions à plus d'un titre contestables dans lesquelles se sont déroulées les élections locales d'octobre 2003, auxquelles est venue s'ajouter l'instabilité politique engendrée par les luttes intestines au sein du parti majoritaire, le Parti socialiste albanais, témoignent de la faiblesse d'institutions minées par le clientélisme et les rivalités personnelles. Si le Premier ministre Fatos Nano est parvenu à réaffirmer son autorité face à la fronde menée au sein de l'ex-appareil communiste par son ministre des Affaires étrangères, Ilir Meta, les importantes manifestations survenues en février et en mars 2004 réclamant sa démission résonnent comme un nouvel avertissement. Bien que la croissance économique ait atteint les 6 % en 2003 et que l'inflation ait été divisée par deux par rapport à 2002, ces résultats ne peuvent en aucun cas passer pour des acquis durables dans un pays marqué par les stigmates du sous-développement et à l'agriculture victime d'une libéralisation des échanges prématurée."

"During the last year the global economy has experienced its most severe recession since the Great Depression.This article compares the UK experience with that of OECD member countries - a group of the major industrialised economies. While important economies such as Japan and Germany saw a larger fall in output, the depth of the UK recession was larger than the OECD average.Recent data shows the global economy beginning to emerge from recession, but the projections are for a weak and fragile recovery as households, businesses and governments continue to pay off debts and rebuild their balance sheets.In fact, the major economies could be susceptible to a further downturn resulting in a double-dip recession.The second part of this article looks at the factors underlying recent growth forecasts made by the OECD and the IMF. "