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"Die Bände der Reihe » Arbeitspolitik: Theorie, Praxis, Strategie« werden sich den Fragen zuwenden, wie verhindert werden kann, dass die aggressiven Weltverhältnisse im Zeitalter der Transformationen in aggressive Betriebsverhältnisse umschlagen. Konkret geht es darum, welche Möglichkeiten Beschäftigte und Gewerkschaften haben, zu Subjekten der Veränderungen zu werden und die Interessen der abhängigen Arbeit in die Veränderungsprozesse einzubringen. Dazu gehört schließlich die Frage, wie im vordemokratischen Politikfeld Betrieb Einflusskanäle auf das Was, das Wie und das Wofür der Produktion geöffnet und genutzt werden können. Die Beiträge des ersten Bands behandeln das ­Thema, wie dem zunehmenden Rechtspopulismus entgegengetreten und Demokratie und Gerechtigkeit im Betrieb gestärkt werden kann."

"Do narratives about the causes of inequality influence support for redistribution? Scholarship suggests that information about levels of inequality does not easily shift redistributive attitudes. We embed information about inequality within a commentary article depicting the economy as being rigged to advantage elites, a common populist narrative of both the left and right. Drawing on the media effects and political economy literature, we expect articles employing narratives that portray inequality as the consequence of systemic unfairness to increase demands for redistribution. We test this proposition via an online survey experiment with 7426 respondents in Australia, France, Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Our narrative treatment significantly increases attitudes favoring redistribution in five of the countries. In the US the treatment has no effect. We consider several reasons for the non-result in the US – highlighting beliefs about government inefficiency – and conclude by discussing general implications of our findings."
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/)

"In international comparison, dual systems of vocational education and training are often considered to be more successful than school-based systems for managing sustainable transitions from school to work. This assessment is particularly valid for Switzerland, while the German dual system has increasingly come under criticism since the Covid-19 pandemic, especially with regard to the declining attractiveness of its vocational tracks. The comparative focus is rarely put on Denmark with its promising mix of both principles. A comparison of the two countries therefore seems appealing. The study starts by developing the theoretical framework of transitional labour markets: normatively, it stresses professional sovereignty against labour market fitness, while analytically, it emphasises fair risk and balanced power sharing as principles of good governance. It then considers the actors, regulations, transition paths, current developments and problems of the two countries, enriched with descriptive statistics. Germany can learn from Denmark, especially regarding early career orientation in school, income security that encourages risk-taking during the complex transition process, the continuous updating and modularisation of curricula, and adaptive cooperation between schools, companies, social partners and municipalities. The weaknesses of the Danish system, however, provide also lessons, especially the erosion of the attractiveness of vocational education and training. Reform options for Germany conclude the study."

"In this important book, Gallas asks what strikes in non-industrial sectors mean for class formation, a critical question which has been largely unaddressed by the current literature on global labour unrest.
A mapping of strikes around the world and case studies from Germany, Britain and Spain cast new light on class relations, struggles around waged and unwaged work and labour movements in contemporary capitalism to bring class theory back to labour studies."

"Dans un contexte marqué par des défis sans précédent, les syndicats européens ont su faire preuve de capacités de résistance et d'adaptation remarquables pour sauvegarder et renforcer les droits des travailleurs. Ce rapport passe en revue diverses stratégies mises en œuvre par les syndicats en Allemagne, en Belgique, au Danemark, en Espagne et en Italie. Il examine comment les syndicats de ces pays évoluent dans un environnement socio-économique et politique de plus en plus complexe. Le choix de ces cinq pays est dicté par la volonté de rendre compte des trois grandes variétés de syndicalisme et de systèmes de relations industrielles présentes en Europe. Le rapport analyse également le répertoire des actions d'une fédération syndicale européenne, UNI Europa, afin d'évaluer la dimension européenne de l'activité syndicale. "

"Das Buch zeigt, dass im Rechtspopulismus das moralische Unrechtsempfinden der arbeitenden Klassen zum Ausdruck kommt. Der Kampf um Wurde in der Arbeit ist dafur entscheidend. Im ersten Teil werden Ansatze der Populismusforschung kritisch diskutiert und die Forschungsthese theoretisch entwickelt. Im zweiten Teil wird ein Konzept zur empirischen Untersuchung des Kampfes um Wurde in der Arbeit vorgestellt und die Forschungsthese empirisch uberpruft. Die Untersuchung erweitert die aktuelle Populismusforschung um eine neue Perspektive und leistet einen Beitrag zu den gegenwartig wiederauflebenden Forschungsdebatten uber das Verhaltnis zwischen Arbeit und Demokratie. Der Autor forscht zu Demokratietheorie und politischer Okonomie am WSI."

"The Transformation of Discontent demonstrates that far from disappearing from the workplaces of the Global North, labor protest has merely changed character and now focuses on healthcare and education, with white-collar and white coat employees clashing with employers over wages, working conditions, and professional autonomy.
Based on in-depth case studies of protest campaigns in four European countries – Denmark, Germany, Hungary, and Ireland – this book explores the ways in which teachers, nurses, and medical doctors have developed a new repertoire of contention that unites their power to disrupt services with their duty to care for service users, such as patients, children, and older people.
A study of the changes to labor mobilization including new protagonists and a shift from mass strikes to duty-based protest, this volume considers the impact of public sector unions on the labor movement and their role in renewing labor's power resources. It will be of interest to sociologists and scholars of political economy, social movements, public services, contentious politics, and employment relations."

"This paper analyzes the role of works councils as gatekeepers safeguarding employee's interests in the adoption of management practices to monitor employee performance and provide feedback. We first introduce a formal model predicting that (i) the introduction of such management practices leads to a stronger increase (or weaker decrease) in job satisfaction when a works council is in place, (ii) that this effect should be larger the lower the prior level of employee participation and (iii) that works councils increase the likelihood of the implementation of these practices at the level of individual employees. We provide evidence in line with these hypotheses, using linked-employer-employee panel data from Germany. We indeed find that the adoption of formal performance appraisals and feedback interviews is associated with a significantly larger increase in job satisfaction when there is a works council. This pattern is driven by establishments without collective bargaining agreements. The evidence also suggests that works councils indeed facilitate the implementation of such management practices, as codetermined firms have a higher likelihood that a practice implemented on the firm level is actually applied by middle management."
This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

"Past research has often attributed electoral backlash to structural economic change to a lack of compensation and interest group representation for affected groups. Is that backlash then mitigated in contexts where both of these conditions are fulfilled? I argue that perceived economic deprivation fuelling political disengagement as well as disappointment with the issue-owning party are important factors contributing to such a backlash. Using the case of Germany, I empirically analyse the electoral repercussions of a coal phase-out in the presence of compensation for affected groups as well as active involvement of labour and business interests in political decision-making. By employing a series of staggered difference-in-differences models, I investigate whether the closures of coal plants and mines between 2007 and 2022 affected voting behaviour at the municipal level. I find that these closures resulted in an asymmetric backlash in the form of lower vote shares for the issue owner, the Social Democratic Party and higher abstention rates in affected municipalities. With the significant politicisation around fossil fuel-based energy generation, these findings have important implications for the remaining coal phase-outs worldwide."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).