Documents coal mining 112 results

"« Nous avons démarré la restructuration du secteur minier et obtenu en quelques mois ce que d'autres pays ont réalisé en plusieurs dizaines d'années. » Ces mots, prononcés par le chef du gouvernement roumain en décembre 1997, évaluent quantitativement le succès des départs volontaires avec incitation financière qui se sont soldés, dans le cas du bassin de la Vallée du Jiu, par une réduction des effectifs des mines de 39 % en moins de trois mois. L'article revient sur cet événement et le resitue dans l'histoire longue des restructurations qui se sont succédé jusqu'en 2013. Il dégage des pistes d'interprétation, avec des variations d'échelle et une perspective longitudinale, pour expliquer pourquoi les mineurs ont accepté les plans de départs collectifs et comment cela a affecté, objectivement comme subjectivement, le groupe social que composent les mineurs. L'objectif de l'article est ainsi double : il s'engage dans le débat sur la part de l'« héritage » du socialisme d'État dans les transformations qu'a subies la condition ouvrière après 1989 et analyse les recompositions identitaires du groupe des mineurs sous l'angle de l'évolution de ses rapports au travail."

"Energy-related emissions account for nearly 85 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions. Consequently, the energy sector is a primary focus of climate policies aimed at mitigating global warming, and a transition to low-carbon and net-zero energy systems and economies is at the focus of many national and international decarbonization policies. Like other economic restructuring projects, the energy transition is not a singular process but instead is unfolding as multiple interdependent processes across geographical and temporal scales. In these processes, transitions to renewable and low-carbon energy sources also translate to transitioning away from hydrocarbons and their attendant socio-economic and socio-cultural production systems. In their most tangible form, these low-carbon transitions manifest themselves in local contexts as plant-level and industry closures that – unless carefully managed – have the potential to not only upend local socioeconomic realities but also to fuel discontent against the broader societal programme of the low-carbon transition. In this article, we take a focus on two such local low-carbon transitions – the closure of coal-fired Hanasaari power plant in Helsinki, Finland and the sudden closure of the Marathon Petroleum oil refinery in Contra Costa County, California, US – as case studies of plant-level closures that reflect several experienced transition injustices. However, our analysis goes beyond merely documenting and comparing injustices across these transition contexts. Against the backdrop of literatures on radical energy justice and the role of labour unions as just transition actors, our analysis sheds light on both the interpretations of justice labour unions work to advance and different ways in which union responses in individual plant closure contexts have broadened the unions' scope of interest and agency in just transition related broader political and societal agendas."

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/),

"This paper explores the practice of worker representation coalmining in Australia, in which there are both serious risks to health and safety and where regulatory provisions on worker representation on health and safety are longstanding. Despite their longevity, their operation has been little studied. The aim of the paper is to address this gap by examining the quality of the practice of worker representation in the sector. In particular, it explores strategies used by representatives to undertake their role in the context of the hostile industrial relations that are characteristic of coalmining. It examines documentary records of statutory inspections by worker representatives and government mines inspectors and analyses the content of qualitative interviews. It finds that the representatives address serious and potentially fatal risks in their activities and make effective use of their statutory powers in doing so, including their power to suspend operations they deem to be unacceptably dangerous. Nevertheless, they strive to operate within the boundaries of regulation in order to offset the negative influences of a hostile labour relations climate, As well as cautious use of their powers to order the cessation of operations where they deem the risks to be unacceptable, they also avoid accusations of unnecessarily impeding production and engaging with labour relations matters that are outside their statutory remit, through good communication between themselves and other workplace representatives. This is made possible by support from the relatively high level of workplace trade union organization present in the mines and further support derived from the trade union more widely and from the unique two-tier form of representation provided for by legislation. Both ensure the representatives are well informed, well trained and supported in their role. Overall, the study highlights the positive role representatives and unions play in preventive health and safety even in hostile labour relations climates."

"Sabemos la importancia que tiene la reconstrucción mediática de un hecho social. Su valor simbólico final depende en gran medida de cómo haya sido construido por la comunicación social. ¿Qué significado se desprende de esta operación de reconstrucción mediática? Un gravísimo accidente laboral nos permite reflexionar sobre el tema: el derrumbe de la mina San José en pleno desierto de Atacama, en Chile, y la excepcional subsistencia de 33 mineros en la misma. "

"Quand, en ce matin du 8 août 1956, les fumées de l'incendie qui ronge les entrailles du Bois du Cazier envahissent les hauteurs de Marcinelle, nul ne sait encore que l'image du mineur mourant en héros, au champ d'honneur d'une Bataille du Charbon dont la finalité lui échappe, appartient désormais au passé.
Le nombre élevé de victimes, la détresse des familles, les pressions médiatique et syndicale auront tôt fait d'amener le monde politique à mettre sur pied une Commission chargée d'élucider les causes du drame, alors que le Corps des Mines et la justice viennent de commencer leur enquête respective. Ouvert en mai 1959 devant le Tribunal correctionnel de Charleroi, le procès du Bois du Cazier se clôturera trois années plus tard, après un appel et une cassation, par un arrangement financier au goût amer. La question «Qui est responsable ?», restant entière. Des dizaines de rapports d'experts, des centaines de pages de témoignages, de conclusions, de plaidoiries et d'articles de presse permettent de refaire parler ces témoins d'époque, dont la plupart sont aujourd'hui muets à jamais, pour nous livrer «leur» Cazier judiciaire."

"This code of practice has been prepared to help those responsible for improving safety and health standards and to provide guidelines for the drafting of safety and health regulations for the coalmining industry. It contains provisions on general safety and health measures, specific measures for work underground, road and shaft driving, coal-getting, transport, etc., and procedures for the control of dust, firedamp, fire and other hazards. Local circumstances and technical facilities will determine how far it is practicable to follow these provisions."

"Past research has often attributed electoral backlash to structural economic change to a lack of compensation and interest group representation for affected groups. Is that backlash then mitigated in contexts where both of these conditions are fulfilled? I argue that perceived economic deprivation fuelling political disengagement as well as disappointment with the issue-owning party are important factors contributing to such a backlash. Using the case of Germany, I empirically analyse the electoral repercussions of a coal phase-out in the presence of compensation for affected groups as well as active involvement of labour and business interests in political decision-making. By employing a series of staggered difference-in-differences models, I investigate whether the closures of coal plants and mines between 2007 and 2022 affected voting behaviour at the municipal level. I find that these closures resulted in an asymmetric backlash in the form of lower vote shares for the issue owner, the Social Democratic Party and higher abstention rates in affected municipalities. With the significant politicisation around fossil fuel-based energy generation, these findings have important implications for the remaining coal phase-outs worldwide."

This work is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

"Non loin de Liège se dresse un vestige de l'histoire de l'industrie Belge : le Hasard de Cheratte. Non loin de ce vestige vivent encore les familles des mineurs qui y ont travaillé. Axel Ruhomaully et Franck Depaifve ont consacré plus d'un an et demi à récolter la mémoire de ces lieux et de ces hommes, fédérant autour d'eux des artistes d'univers aussi variés que le Street-Art, la bande dessinée ou l‘urban sketching. Le temps ayant dilué la mémoire des hommes, les auteurs ont décidé de laisser la parole aux images."