Documents right to work 95 results

"Alors que l'histoire des femmes est relativement bien implantée en Belgique, il n'existe encore aucune étude qui envisage l'ensemble des mouvements féministes dans leur rapport à la société civile et politique. L'époque choisie s'étend de 1918 à 1968. En effet, des pans entiers de l'activité féministe de l'entre-deux-guerres aux années 1960 demeurent largement méconnus.
Le contexte a ici toute son importance: le féminisme d'entre-deux-guerres est en effet confronté à la mise en place de nouveaux processus d'intervention de l'État et aux conséquences des politiques natalistes menées par tous les gouvernements. Or ces tendances sont en totale contradiction avec l'implication des femmes dans l'espace public, avec leur accès à de nouvelles filières professionnelles, avec leur arrivée plus nombreuse dans l'enseignement secondaire et même supérieur. Longtemps, on a cru qu'en signalant l'accès des femmes au suffrage en 1948, on avait tout dit; pour beaucoup, ces années seraient caractérisées par un mouvement féministe en léthargie, alors qu'en réalité il engrange des succès et mène des combats fondamentaux.
L'ouvrage privilégie une approche thématique des revendications féministes et offre un focus sur les avancées dans la sphère publique (pour l'essentiel la question du droit à la citoyenneté économique et politique). À terme les éléments dégagés éclairent les processus de construction des citoyennetés civile, politique et sociale des femmes. Notre étude si elle se situe sur le plan national, envisage conjointement l'impact de l'international sur l'évolution du féminisme belge.



Au terme, l'ouvrage permet de mieux comprendre le processus d'inclusion des femmes dans la société belge et éclaire sur les mécanismes de démocratisation de celle-ci par l'intégration de ses citoyennes. "

"Irish citizens living in the United Kingdom (UK) enjoy a privileged immigration status, which in turn facilitates access to a number of economic and social rights, perhaps most importantly a right to—and thereby rights in—work. European Union (EU) law played an important role in facilitating the latter, but with freedom of movement and the right to work of Irish citizens now dependent on the Common Travel Area (CTA) and associated legislative protections. This article argues that the CTA constitutes a workers' rights ‘intervention', which necessitates a clearer articulation of how this instrument fits within the wider context of post-Brexit UK employment law, including the rights deriving from the withdrawal arrangements governing the UK's departure from the EU. There are a number of asymmetries in the CTA that undermine its value as an employment rights conduit. Brexit, it is argued, has led to further fragmentation of the category of ‘Irish citizen' in the UK, despite the purported recent recognition of such citizens as a distinct class within UK immigration law. More significantly, the CTA lacks normative purpose, and is a rather weak employment law instrument, in that it represents no more than a facilitation of national legislative intervention to ensure (roughly) equivalent treatment between British and Irish citizens in matters of employment (among other economic and social rights). The current CTA arrangements are thereby devoid of any underpinning (social) objectives or values and lack explicit recognition of their role as a facilitator of access to fundamental economic and social rights. Non-political, and rights-based conceptions of social citizenship are suggested as potential normative groundings for the CTA and derived (employment) rights in the absence of the protective framework offered by EU free movement and labour law."

"The notion that women do not have the equal right to work as men underlies gender antagonism in early trade unionism. While unions have been increasingly promoting gender equality in the workplace, it remains unclear whether individual members' attitudes towards women's work have changed over time. In this study, I provide the first large-scale, comparative, and quantitative analysis of this question, focusing on more than 25,000 workers across 16 Western European countries from 1990 to 2020. The results suggest a complex picture. Specifically, in the early 1990s, union members did not differ significantly from non-members in their attitudes towards women's right to work. Since the late 1990s, union members exhibited more egalitarian gender attitudes than non-members. However, by 2020, the union-nonunion gap in gender attitudes appeared to have vanished. Further analysis indicates that a breadwinner ideology, in which manhood is defined in relation to wage labor, is the primary driver for less egalitarian gender attitudes among union members. In addition, the dramatic uprisings of the populist right have possibly contributed to the vanished union-nonunion attitude gap by gendering contemporary European politics."

"Algorithmic human resource management (AHRM), the automation or augmentation of human resources-related decision-making with the use of artificial intelligence (AI)-enabled algorithms, can increase recruitment efficiency but also lead to discriminatory results and systematic disadvantages for marginalized groups in society. In this paper, we address the issue of equal treatment of workers and their fundamental rights when dealing with these AI recruitment systems. We analyse how and to what extent algorithmic biases can manifest and investigate how they affect workers' fundamental rights, specifically (1) the right to equality, equity, and non discrimination; (2) the right to privacy; and, finally, (3) the right to work. We recommend crucial ethical safeguards to support these fundamental rights and advance forms of responsible AI governance in HR-related decisions and activities."

"The value of work cannot be underestimated in today's world. Work is valuable because productive labour generates goods needed for survival, such as food and housing; goods needed for self-development, such as education and culture; and other material goods that people wish to have in order to live a fulfilling life. A job also generally inspires a sense of achievement, self-esteem and the esteem of others. People develop social relations at work, which can be very important for them. Work brings both material and non-material benefits. There is no doubt that work is a crucial good. Do we have a human right to this good? What is the content of the right? Does it impose a duty on governments to promote full employment? Does it entail an obligation to protect decent work? There is also a question about the right-holders. Do migrants have a right to work, for example? At the same time many people would rather not work. What kind of right is this, if many people do not want to have it? The chapters of this book address the uncertainty and controversy that surround the right to work both in theoretical scholarship and in policymaking. They discuss the philosophical underpinnings of the right to work, and its development in human rights law at national level (in jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Japan, France and the United States) and international level (in the context of the United Nations, the European Social Charter, the International Labour Organization, theEuropean Convention on Human Rights and other legal orders)."

"This article examines the early economic track record of Indiana's “right-to-work” (RTW) law on labor market outcomes. It analyzes various labor market metrics to compare the experience in Indiana relative to nine neighboring states, as well as to the United States in the aggregate. Data are analyzed both 36 months before and 36 months after Indiana passed RTW. Initial “difference-in-difference” estimates find that the labor market performance of Indiana has not surpassed that of neighboring states following passage of the law, contrary to the claims promised by its proponents. Wage and employment growth in Indiana's construction industry, in particular, has fallen significantly behind the rest of the region. Regression analyses are subsequently performed, which conclude that RTW's unique effect has been to lower hourly wages in the state economy by 1.1 to 1.5 percent on average and have little to no impact on employment. The combination of effects results in state income tax revenues that are annually $16 to $52 million lower than they would be in the absence of the RTW policy. "